Pre-election Instrumentalization of Religion: Who Is (Not) Fighting Against the Church?
Date: 11 October 2024
The Georgian Elections Observatory (GEO) is a short-term initiative focused on fact-checking pre-election narratives leading up to the crucial parliamentary elections on October 26. What sets this project apart from traditional fact-checking platforms is that it doesn't just address specific claims but examines entire narratives, offering political analysis alongside fact-checking and media analysis. This project is powered by the Fojo Swedish Media Institute in partnership with Investigative Media Lab (IML) and the UG Security, Politicy, & Nationalism Research Center (UGSPN).
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Another example of right-win populist rhetoric from the Georgian Dream party is its manipulation of religion. The ruling party adopted its role as guardian of the Church ahead of the elections, even proposing an initiative to declare Christianity the state religion. One of the arguments for adopting the law on the transparency of foreign influence was the protection of the Georgian Church and Patriarchate, with the ruling party claiming that non-governmental organizations were working against them.
On August 21, the leader and founder of the party, Bidzina Ivanishvili, stated that “the parliamentary elections of October 26 are a kind of referendum, where our fellow citizens must choose… between moral decline and Christian values.”
On August 25, Speaker of Parliament Shalva Papuashvili remarked, “It is obvious how much financial and human resources are being spent in the fight against faith, traditions, and national identity. How fiercely they battle against the church.… Do we pray in our shrines, or do we worship the gods of others?”
Similar rhetoric was repeated by the Speaker on several occasions. On September 19, he said, “Today, they want to strip us of this very identity, so that we no longer know who we are, what we believe, or who we belong to. Then, they will tell us who we should be and what we should believe.” And again on September 29, he added, “They cursed our King Erekle, defiled our wine, insulted our church. This is their European way. They want to turn us into a godless, ahistorical, impersonal group of people.”
Who Is (Not) Fighting Against the Church?
The Georgian Dream party has consistently blamed non-governmental organizations (NGOs) for fighting against the church before the elections. They claim that these NGOs do not represent national interests but are agents of foreign forces, and their alleged battle against the Church is supposedly driven by the agendas of their Western donors. However, in reality, the West plays a significant role in preserving Georgia’s Church and cultural identity, as demonstrated by the restoration of numerous historical monuments through European and American grants.
The U.S. Ambassador’s Fund for Cultural Heritage Preservation (AFCP)
The fund was established in 2001 to protect cultural heritage sites globally. Over the past twenty-one years, the United States has provided $2 million for the restoration of Georgian cultural monuments through this fund. Some of the key projects include:
Gelati Monastery: Restoration of frescoes, stabilization of the architectural structure, strengthening of plaster and painting layers, salt removal, covering with glazed ceramics, and cleaning of stone slabs.
Khakhuli Karedi: Conservation of the icon and preparation for a new exhibition.
Arbo St. George’s Church and Tirdznisi Trinity Church (conflict zone): Rehabilitation of churches damaged during the August war.
Museum of Ethnography and History of Svaneti: Rehabilitation of preserved icons.
Two Monasteries on the Western Outskirts of the Gareja Desert: Restoration of White Desert frescoes.
Twelfth-to-Thirteenth Century Gospels: Restoration of metal-plated covers of the Gospels of Berti, Tskarostavi, and Tbeti.
Uplistsikhe: Identification of critical areas, implementation of a complex monitoring system, and measures to prevent mountain rock collapse.
Atenis Sioni: Rehabilitation of the building and its paintings.
Monastery of the Cross: Conservation of the damaged paving stone on the facades of the main church.
Moreover, with the support of the United States, the earthquake-damaged Ikorta church was rebuilt, and the Fitareti church was rehabilitated.
Civil Society Foundation (formerly Open Society Foundation)
The Civil Society Foundation (formerly the Open Society Foundation) funded 365 projects for the preservation of cultural heritage with $1,500,000 over twenty years, including the strengthening of Skhalti Cathedral, Tskhavati Monastery, Alexander Neveli Cathedral of Abastumani, and the Church of the Virgin Mary of Fudznari; the restoration of the fresco of the angel of Kintsvisi; providing description and archival of the wall paintings of St. Nino Bodbe church, Tedzmi church, and Aspindza church, as well as the Davit Gareji and Bethany Monastery frescoes; and photo fixation of the emergence of Mount Sina.
Other Western grants financed the restoration of various churches and sacred objects. For example, with the help of the Council of Europe, the restoration of the Nikosia monastery took place, and with funding from the Netherlands, the flood damage caused to the Alaverdi Cathedral was eliminated, and the twelfth-to-thirteenth century wall paintings of the Ikvi Cathedral were restored.
This is just a small list of the aid that Western funds provide for the preservation of unique Georgian culture.
In parallel with Western assistance, the condition of Georgian cultural heritage monuments in territories occupied by Russia is deteriorating. For instance, in 2011, Dranda church, located in the Dranda village of Gulripshi municipality near Sokhumi, was whitewashed, ten silver doors and windows were installed, and the earth layer surrounding the temple was completely removed. Similarly, the Ilori Cathedral was plastered in white, sacrificing its unique Georgian frescoes and inscriptions. Throughout history, Russia has consistently damaged temples in conquered territories, such as the Bedia Temple, where the fresco of Bagrat III was damaged. Moreover, Russia continues to vandalize churches in Ukraine. According to the New York Times, Russia has destroyed more than 900 schools, churches, and hospitals since the start of the war.
While the ruling party accuses NGOs and their donors of fighting against the Church, one of Georgia’s most important religious sites, the Gelati Monastery, is in a dire state. Its roof, wall paintings, and the unique mosaic of the Virgin Mary are in urgent need of restoration. Water now leaks from the damaged roof, further eroding the medieval frescoes and wall paintings. According to a journalistic investigation, Gelati’s current state is a result of nepotism and official indifference. After inadequate efforts by the Ministry of Culture, the Georgian Patriarchate assumed responsibility for the restoration process, but delays persist, leaving the priceless artwork vulnerable.
A further clear example of the manipulation of religion and the Church is the illegal wiretapping of Georgian Church officials by the State Security Service, underscoring the government’s exploitation of religious institutions for political gain.
POLITICAL ANALYSIS
From Calculated Ambivalence to Anti-Western Stance
Anti-Western narratives in Georgia originate from the imperial rule of the Soviet Union. These narratives regarding issues of national identity and traditions, as well as towards state sovereignty, were an integral part of the Soviet anti-Western discourse. After the restoration of Georgian independence, the West became not only a source of physical survival and development of statehood, but was also constitutionally recognized as a chief foreign policy priority. At the same time, anti-Western discourse has coexisted with official pro-Western policies in contemporary Georgia and has largely been rooted in cultural anxieties and ultra-nationalist narratives.
While pro-Western and pro-Russian policies and narratives acquired mutually exclusive content, especially after the 2008 Russo-Georgian war, the current Georgian government has attempted to determine its foreign policy course ambivalently in relation to these two spaces. This policy was aimed, on the one hand, at maintaining the level of integration with Western organizational structures and thus at mobilizing pro-European voters locally; and on the other hand, at encouraging a softened tone towards Russia and anti-Western, ultra-nationalist sentiments. Recently, Georgia’s ruling elite has been actively using anti-Western rhetoric both to divert attention from other political issues in the pre-election period, and to instrumentalize public polarization, all the while supporting (covertly or overtly) pro-Russian narratives.
Historically, the anti-Western narrative developed within the Soviet Union painted the Western world as an evil, immoral empire characterized by interference in the internal affairs of other countries and causing destabilization or conflict. In the post-Soviet space, the enduring influence of these narratives has been amplified by pro-Russian and ultra-nationalist forces, which have continuously worked to undermine the pro-Western orientation of countries like Georgia. At the same time, Russia’s strategic disinformation campaigns have played a critical role in portraying Western liberalism as incompatible with Georgia’s Orthodox Christian values and national identity.
However, this dual strategy is not unique to Georgia: it reflects a broader pattern seen in illiberal regimes, where political elites use Western integration as a bargaining chip for leveraging the local pro-Western electorate, without fully committing to the reforms associated with it. In this context, anti-Western narratives within the country have coexisted together with publicly acclaimed, albeit selective, engagement with the West and EU integration processes. At the same time, after Russia’s aggressive invasion of Ukraine, the ruling political elite in Georgia has been moving further away from the West in both its international and local political appeals. In terms of the latter, the anti-Western sentiments, discrediting of liberal democracy, and framing of Western values as conflicting with Georgian ones have defined the contemporary anti-Western discourse. This discourse, in turn, creates the necessary ground for local legislative changes adopted with anti-Western pathos to be portrayed as the defense of Georgian values, making the rejection of Western liberalism synonymous with patriotic duty.
The issue of state sovereignty and related discussions can be considered central to observing the foreign policy shift in the country. At first glance, it is paradoxical that the issue of sovereignty is discussed not in relation to Russia, which occupies twenty percent of the country’s territory, but primarily problematized in discussions about the West. Similar dynamics can be observed in the government’s frequent references to defending Georgia’s sovereignty from external interference, portraying Western demands for democratic reforms as intrusions into the country’s internal affairs. It is within this context that the so-called “Agents Law,” adopted in 2024, should be considered. The law, modeled after Russian legislation, targets NGOs and media outlets that are essentially dependent on foreign—in this case, Western—funding in their work towards overseeing governance and providing balanced media coverage.
The softening of political messages and overall policy towards Russia is a key to deconstructing the contemporary anti-Western discourse. In this case, too, paradoxical dualism defines the scene: while Georgia’s official policy remains committed to restoring territorial integrity and rejecting Russian occupation, the ruling party has been notably cautious in its criticism of Russia, especially as a central actor of the conflicts (as opposed to blaming the previous government). Moreover, in the government’s discourse, rapprochement with the single most important source of aggressive wars in the region is considered a way towards peace and stability for Georgia.
In conclusion, anti-Western discourse in Georgia is a complex and multifaceted political tool that reflects a range of strategies, from “calculated ambivalence” to upholding Soviet anti-Western discourses. The anti-Western, ultra-nationalist, and illiberal rhetoric of a government leaning towards closer relations with Russia coexists with its publicly claimed ambition of Georgia’s EU integration. As such, anti-Western sentiments are an important component of Georgian political and public life and will thus remain a potent political force, requiring open discussion and systematic debunking should the country ever consider rapprochement with the West.