The “Global War Party”
Date: 10 October 2024
The Georgian Elections Observatory (GEO) is a short-term initiative focused on fact-checking pre-election narratives leading up to the crucial parliamentary elections on October 26. What sets this project apart from traditional fact-checking platforms is that it doesn't just address specific claims but examines entire narratives, offering political analysis alongside fact-checking and media analysis. This project is powered by the Fojo Swedish Media Institute in partnership with Investigative Media Lab (IML) and the UG Security, Politicy, & Nationalism Research Center (UGSPN).
DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in these stories do not necessarily reflect those of the listed organizations.
On September 2, Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze told journalists at the government administration:
"We need to make peace with everyone, including the Global War Party, once interests shift."
It is worth noting a statement made by Irakli Kobakhidze nearly a year earlier, in May 2023, where he said:
"There is no alternative to fighting the Global War Party, even though it carries serious risks, including personal risks."
Who exactly does the ruling government refer to as the “Global War Party,” and why has it now become necessary to “mend relations” with them?
On April 29, 2024, during a meeting in support of the “Transparency of Foreign Influence” initiative, Bidzina Ivanishvili, the honorary chairman of Georgian Dream, mentioned the “Global War Party” six times. Ivanishvili views this group as the main threat to Georgia’s sovereignty and claims it holds decisive influence over the European Union and NATO.
It is important to note that the term “war party” was used by members of the ruling team even before the start of the Russia-Ukraine war. Mamuka Mdinaradze, chairman of the Georgian Dream faction, once stated:
"We are pursuing a policy that we can call a peace policy. Meanwhile, we can freely label the National Movement as the 'war party.'"
The term “Global War Party” was first introduced by the current Prime Minister, Irakli Kobakhidze, on November 8, 2022, when he remarked:
"There is a 'Global War Party,' whose representatives include odious MEPs. Their only goal is to provoke the same sitation in Georgia that is happening in Ukraine."
After Kobakhidze’s statement, the same narrative was echoed by both Georgian Dream deputies and representatives of People’s Power, a group affiliated with the ruling party, which is known for its anti-Western rhetoric.
What is particularly notable is that the term “Global War Party” began to be applied not only to European parliamentarians but also to representatives of the broader Western alliance, including the current US Ambassador, Kelly Degnan. Eka Sepashvili, a member of the People’s Power party, stated to the media:
"I believe [Kelly Degnan] is an agent because she is advancing the agenda of the Global War Party."
The ruling party and its affiliates frequently attribute any criticism from Western partners, as well as actions taken by local opposition parties, to the agenda of the “Global War Party.” A prime example of this is the failure to obtain EU candidate status in 2022, for which Irakli Kobakhidze blamed the Global War Party. In his statement, Kobakhidze explained:
"I won't name it, I can't name it, because I don't want to cause embarassment... We cannot blame the European Union for this, because the EU has a fragile decision-making process. Even if just one out of 27 countries dissents, candidate status cannot be granted. We can't fault the European Union, but we can blame the Global War Party for influencing the EU's decision-making."
Although the ruling party avoids directly naming who is behind the “Global War Party,” it is clear they believe that the collective West is at the root of it. This term echoes rhetoric commonly used in Russia, where politicians and propagandists frequently reference the “collective West” as a source of various perceived threats. Like Georgian Dream’s vague use of the “Global War Party,” the term “collective West” in Russian discourse is not clearly defined, making it difficult to pinpoint exactly who or what is being targeted.
It is evident that the term “Global War Party” is part of a conspiracy theory created by Georgian Dream and closely aligned with Russian information operations. This connection has not gone unnoticed by Georgia’s strategic partners. As Estonia’s Foreign Minister, Margus Tsahkna, pointed out:
"It's no joke because this is serious — it's the Kremlin's narrative. Debating this here only spreads a false and misleading narrative, one pushed by the Kremlin, and that is something we do not want to engage with."
The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania, Gabrielius Landsbergis, shares the same perspective. During his visit to Georgia, he stated:
"The only war party is in Moscow. This is the party that attacked Georgia in 2008, attacked Ukraine in 2014, and is currently waging war against Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is our duty — those who value freedom — to fight this party and win this war."
Similarly, the EU Ambassador to Georgia, Paweł Herczyński, responded to the ruling party’s claims about the influence of the “Global War Party” on Brussels:
"The EU is a party of global peace. We know where the Global War Party is — it is in Moscow. Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, it invaded eastern Ukraine and annexed Crimea in 2014, and in 2022, it launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russia also uses hybrid tactics to destabiliza and create chaos across the globe — in Africa, the Middle East, and beyond."
In reality, the “Global War Party” is a conspiracy theory promoted by the ruling Georgian Dream party, a tactic often used by authoritarian regimes to consolidate their power. By fabricating the idea of a “Global War Party,” Georgian Dream seeks to instill fear in the public, suggesting that the “collective West” is attempting to drag Georgia into war. This conspiracy serves a dual purpose for the ruling party: first, it distracts the public from real issues by shifting focus to imaginary threats; and second, it distances Georgia from its strategic Western partners, pushing the country closer to Russia’s influence.
POLITICAL ANALYSIS
In the modern political landscape, conspiracy theories have become a powerful tool used by political actors to manipulate public opinion, especially during election campaigns. During these periods, the public becomes more engaged with political processes and societal polarization often intensifies. In this context, conspiratorial narratives serve as effective tools for political actors to mobilize their base, discredit their opponents, and shift attention away from their own shortcomings. The effectiveness of these narratives largely depends on their ability to generate a sense of crisis and tap into the public’s underlying fears.
Moreover, conspiracy theory-based narratives provide political actors with the flexibility to shape their content according to the context that is most advantageous at a given time. While the use of conspiracy theories in politics is not a recent phenomenon, their prevalence has increased significantly in the digital age, where information circulates rapidly and public trust in government institutions has sharply declined.
In Georgia, the pre-election campaign of the incumbent party, Georgian Dream, has exemplified this approach through the deployment of the politics of fear and its own “Global War Party” conspiracy. While its meaning remains intentionally vague, the strategy behind it offers insight into how conspiracy theories can be weaponized by political elites.
A well-crafted conspiracy narrative can unify a segment of the electorate and mobilize supporters by exploiting societal fears. Georgian Dream’s “Global War Party” narrative taps into widespread concerns about foreign intervention and the potential loss of national sovereignty. This narrative heightens the sense of imminent danger, presenting a crisis scenario convincing voters that powerful global forces seek to destabilize Georgia’s “stable and peaceful” environment and drag the country into conflict—implicitly referencing Russia’s aggressive war in Ukraine. In Georgia’s case, this narrative resonates with a portion of the population that is skeptical of foreign assistance, harbors anti-Western sentiments, and views the reforms necessary for liberal democracy as interference in the country’s internal affairs. By exploiting these fears, the “Global War Party” narrative reinforces a sense of national self-preservation, which in turn strengthens support for the ruling party.
Conspiracy theories are frequently employed as a defensive mechanism against criticism. When a political party or figure faces public scrutiny, such theories can redirect attention to unrelated issues. In the case of Georgia’s ruling party, the “Global War Party” narrative serves to shift the focus away from tangible domestic concerns, setting the party’s agenda as the primary topic of debate. After twelve years in power, Georgian Dream lacks a clear record of success, making their future prospects appear weak when viewed through this lens. Consequently, they attribute any failures in domestic or foreign policy to vague, influential international forces: the “Global War Party.” Simultaneously, this narrative dominates the discourse to such an extent that it leaves little room for other political actors to set their own agendas or engage in meaningful discussions on different issues. As a result, the election campaign becomes devoid of intellectual or ideological debate, with the conversation largely revolving around fear-based narratives.
Finally, conspiracy theories often rely on “us versus them” dynamics, fostering an environment of polarization. They enable politicians to create clear distinctions between an in-group (supporters) and an out-group (opponents), reducing complex political realities to simplistic, black-and-white narratives. The “Global War Party” narrative in Georgia exemplifies this by presenting a false dichotomy: it suggests that peace is guaranteed by the ruling party, while war and chaos are inevitable if the opposition takes power. This strategy not only strengthens the ruling party’s core voter base, particularly in polarized societies, but also frames political opponents and external actors as existential threats to the nation’s stability.
Conspiracy theories rooted in fear are not a new phenomenon and tend to be particularly effective during pre-election periods. Elections often amplify uncertainties about the future, making voters more vulnerable to narratives that evoke fear or a sense of impending crisis. Similar strategies have recently been employed in various countries, such as Hungary and Slovakia, where populist or nationalist parties frame elections as existential moments for national security and survival. In doing so, political elites position themselves as the final line of defense against foreign control or globalist conspiracies, reinforcing their leadership as essential for the protection of the nation.
In conclusion, the use of conspiracy theories in pre-election campaigns serves as a tactic for political actors to mobilize support, deflect criticism, and deepen societal divisions. In Georgia, the “Global War Party” narrative exemplifies how these strategies can be exploited, with the content of the narratives being manipulated and adjusted to fit the ruling party’s agenda.